(Dr. Imran Khan & Mufti. Shah Rafi Uddin Hamdani)

Migration to Abyssinia is one of the prominent events in early Islamic history which took place in the fifth year of Prophet Muhammad’s mission. ¹ This event is known as The First Migration (hijra) of Islam. ² Details of the events suggest that the persecutions began in the middle or late fourth year of prophethood. They started off mildly, but gradually increased day by day, month by month, until they became severe and overwhelming by the middle of the fifth year. ³ However, even then, the people of Quraysh did not get their desired results from these persecutions. Thus, they decided to denounce their every form of protection for the believers of Islam.

In this critical situation, Prophet Muhammad commanded them to move to a peaceful land (Dar Al-Amn) and recommended them to relocate to Abyssinia, as its ruler was a just King, who ensured that no one suffered in his land suffered from injustice. ⁴ The ruler of Abyssinia was Ashama, who was famous by the title of Negus. ⁵ Modern day historians have identified Negus as King Armah or Ella Tsaham of the Aksum Kingdom. ⁶ Negus allowed the Muslims to stay peacefully in his Kingdom. Some of the emigrants returned to Makkah after a few years when they heard the Prophet Muhammad had migrated to Madhinah, while others remained there for a longer time and returned to Madinah in the 7th year of Hijra. ⁷

The Reasons of the Migration

In the initial three years of his Prophethood, Prophet Muhammad only preached the teachings of Islam to his friends, family and clan. Then he started preaching openly in the fourth year, which resulted in intense opposition and criticism from all the corners of Makkah. ⁸

During this critical phase of persecutions, Banu Hashim and Banu Al-Muttalib were united under the leadership of Abu Talib to protect Prophet Muhammad , even though all were not Muslims. Due to this tribal support, the opposition did not dare to engage in a direct armed conflict, and settled to keep the progress of Islam in check. In order to do that, they ordered each tribe to deal rigorously with the new converts (so that they may renounce Islam), but it did not work. ⁹ Hence, they adopted a new policy and each clan withdrew its protection from the new converts and expelled them from the tribe. This made the new converts insecure and extremely vulnerable to attack or maltreatment. This also made it extremely difficult for the destitute Muslims to survive in that society. The situation became so bad that even Abu Bakr’s tribe renounced him and he had to take protection from Ibn Al-Dughunnah, a leader of another tribe, to stay in Makkah, while Umar ibn Khattab took protection from ‘As ibn Wail of Banu Sahm. In this situation, Prophet Muhammad told his followers to migrate to a safe place, as the following verse of the Holy Quran had been revealed:

يَاعِبَادِيَ الَّذِينَ آمَنُوا إِنَّ أَرْضِي وَاسِعَةٌ فَإِيَّايَ فَاعْبُدُونِ 56¹⁰

O My servants who have believed! Surely, My earth is vast, so worship Me alone.

This verse instructed the Muslims that they needed to worship Allah only, even if caused them to leave their houses or hometowns. ¹¹ Therefore, Prophet Muhammad recommended his companions to migrate to Abyssinia, as it was ruled by a just ruler. He also told them to stay there until things became better in Arabia. ¹²

Events of First migration to Abyssinia

In 615 C.E., in the month of Rajab, during the fifth year of prophetic mission, fifteen people (11 men, 4 women) left Makkah for Abyssinia. Each migrant paid half Dinar for crossing the Red Sea from the port of Shu’aybah, ¹³ which is located at modern day Mocha. Thus, they were able to cross the Red Sea easily and entered Abyssinia before the Makkans could catch them. ¹⁴ The names of the individuals who migrated to Abyssinia are given as follows:

1. Uthman ibn Affan .
2. Ruqayyah bint Muhammad the Messenger of Allah from Banu Hashim. She was the wife of Uthman ibn Affan .
3. ’Abu Hudhaifah ibn ‘Utbah ibn Rabi’ah .
4. Sahlah bint Suhayl ibn ‘Amr . She was the wife of’Abu Hudhaifah ibn‘Utba
5. Al-Zubayr ibn Al-‘Awwam ibn Khuwaylid ibn Asad .
6. Mus‘ab ibn ‘Umair ibn Hashim ibn Abd Manaf bin Abd ad-Dar.
7. ‘Abd Al-Rahman ibn ‘Awf ibn Abd Awf .
8. ‘Abu Salamah ibn ‘Abd al-Asad .
9. ‘Umm Salamah bint Ummayyah ibn Al-Mughaira . She was the wife of ‘Abu Salamah.
10. Uthman ibn Maz‘un Al-Jumahi. He was the maternal uncle of Hafsah the mother of faithful.
11. Amir ibn Rabiah Al-Anzzi .
12. Layla bint ’Abi Hathmah . She was the wife of ‘Amir ibn Rabi’ah
13. ’Abu Sabrah ibn ’Abi Ruhm .
14. Hatib ibn Abd Shams .
15. Suhayl ibn Bayda' from Banu Harith ibn Fihr
16. ‘Abdullah ibn Mas‘ud . He was a confederate of Banu Zahrah. ¹⁵

Lateron, Jafar ibn Abu Talib also migrated to Abyssinia. ¹⁶ Ibn Ishaq has given more than 20 other names of immigrants who went to Abyssinia, besides the ones mentioned above. They include Abdullah ibn Jahsh an ally of Banu Umayyah, Utba ibn Ghazwan from Banu Naufil who also had one of the allies of Qais Aylan tribes, Tulaib ibn Umair from Banu Abd ibn Qusai, Miqdad , who was an ally of Abdullah’s ibn Mas’ud’s family, Salmah ibn Hisham , ‘Ayyash ibn Abi Rab’iyah , ‘Uthman ibn Maz‘un from Banu Jamh, his son Saaib Qadamah ibn Maz’un , Khunais ibn Huzafah Hisham ibn Aasi from Banu Sahm Sulait ibn Amr Yaqzah bint Alqamah who was Sulaits wife, Sulait ibn Sulait Sakran ibn Amr Sawda bint Zamah who was Sukrans wife, Saeed ibn Khawla Abu Ubaidah ibn Al-Jarrah Amr ibn Shuraih and Amr ibn Harith . ¹⁷ There, these Muslims lived peacefully and worshipped Allah Almighty at ease. ¹⁸

Temporary Return to Makkah

After the Muslims had resided in Abyssinia for two months, ¹⁹ verses of Surah Al-Najm were revealed. When the pagans of Makkah heard Prophet Muhammad reciting these verses, they were fascinated by it, to the extent that they prostrated with the Messenger of Allah when he prostrated after reciting the verse of Sajdah. ²⁰ As a result of this event, a rumour spread that the leaders of Quraysh had accepted Islam and all the hostilities between the Muslims and the Quraysh had ceased. Because of this some of the immigrants returned to Makkah in the same year. ²¹

After learning the truth, the Muslim which were near Makkah were hesitant to enter the city as their tribes had already renounced their protection. Then, they decided to obtain protection from some of the other influential leaders before entering the city. ²² Uthman ibn Affan took protection from Abu ‘Uhayhah (Saad ibn Al-‘As), Abu Hudhaifah ibn Utbah from Umayyah ibn Khalf, Al-Zubair ibn Awwam from Zam‘ah ibn Al-Aswad, Mus’ab ibn Umair from Al-Nadr ibn al-Harith or Abu Aziz ibn Umair, Abd Al-Rehman ibn Awf from Aswad ibn Yaghuth, ‘Amir ibn Rabi‘ah from Al-‘As ibn Wa’il, ’Abu Sabrah ibn Abi Ruhm from Akhnas ibn Shariq, Hatib ibn ‘Amr from Huwayrith ibn ‘Abd Al-‘Uzza, ‘Uthman ibn Maz‘un from Al-Walid ibn Al-Mughirah and ’Abu Salamah took protection from his maternal uncle Abu Talib, before entering Makkah. ²³

When Uthman ibn Maz'un saw that some of the Muslims were severely persecuted by the Makkans, he publicly denounced the protection of Al-Walid ibn Al-Mughira and stated it was not ethical for him to enjoy such protection when his brothers in faith were being brutally tortured. Then, he declared that Allah’s protection was sufficient for him. As soon as he renounced his protection, he was publicly slapped by a person from the Quraysh tribe, which wounded his eye. After this incident, Al-Walid ibn Al-Mughira offered his protection to him again, but he refused it, stating that Allah’s protection was sufficient for him. ²⁴

Abu Salamah’s clan Banu Makhzum objected to Abu Talib’s support for their man, but Abu Lahb supported Abu Talib on this occasion. ²⁵ By providing protection to the Muslims, these leaders probably wanted to reflect that their animosity was mainly against the Holy Prophet but not against his followers. They indirectly wanted to weaken their relation with the Holy Prophet as well. ²⁶

• ¹  Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar Ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 115.
• ²  Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 322.
• ³  Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar Ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 115.
• ⁴  Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 328.
• ⁵  Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 219.
• ⁶  M. Elfasi & Ivan Hrbek (1988), General History of Africa, III: Africa from the Seventh to Eleventh Century, United Nation’s Educational, Scientific and Cultural organization, Paris, France, Pg. 560.
• ⁷  Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 207.
• ⁸  Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar Ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 115.
• ⁹  Dr. Ali Muhammad As-Sallaabee (2005), The Noble Life of the Prophet ﷺ (Translated by Faisal Shafeeq), Darus Salam, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 1, Pg. 486.
• ¹⁰  Holy Quran, Al-Ankabut (Spider) 29: 56
• ¹¹  Abul Fida Ismael ibn Kathir Al-Damishqi (1999), Tafseer Quran Al-Azeem, Dar Tayba lil Nashr wal-Tawzi, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 6, Pg. 290.
• ¹²  Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 321-322.
• ¹³  Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 204.
• ¹⁴  Muhammad Ali Mohar (1997), Sirat Al-Nabi and the Orientalists, King Fahad Complex for the Printing of the Holy Quran, Madinah, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 1-B, Pg. 670-671.
• ¹⁵  Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 204.
• ¹⁶  Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 323.
• ¹⁷  Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 176-177.
• ¹⁸  Muhammad ibn Yusuf Al-Salihi Al-Shami (1993), Subul Al-Huda wal-Rashad fi Seerat Khair Al-‘Ibad, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 389
• ¹⁹  Abu Al-Abbas Ahmed ibn Ali Al-Hussaini (1999), Imta’ Al-Asma bima lin Nabi Min Al-Ahwal wal-Amwal wal-Hafadah wal-Mata’a, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 37.
• ²⁰  Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 177.
• ²¹  Abu Al-Abbas Ahmed ibn Ali Al-Hussaini (1999), Imta’ Al-Asma bima lin Nabi Min Al-Ahwal wal-Amwal wal-Hafadah wal-Mata’a, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 37.
• ²²  Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq Dar Al-Fikr Beirut Lebanon Pg. 178.
• ²³  Muhammad Ali Mohar (1997), Sirat Al-Nabi and the Orientalists, King Fahad Complex for the printing of the Holy Quran, Madinah, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 1-B, Pg. 672-673.
• ²⁴  Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq Dar Al-Fikr Beirut Lebanon Pg. 178-179.
• ²⁵  Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 371.
• ²⁶  Muhammad Ali Mohar (1997), Sirat Al-Nabi and the Orientalists, King Fahad Complex for the Printing of the Holy Quran, Madinah, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 1-B, Pg. 674.