Abdul Muttalib Shaybah Ibn Hashim (495/497-578 C.E.)

Shaybah ibn Hashim (شیبة ابن ہاشم), generally known by his title Abdul Muttalib (عبد المطّلب), was the grandfather of

Muhammad . ¹ His real name was Shaybah Al-Hamd while his (کنیة) ² was Abu Al-Harith and Abu Al-Bat-ha ³ but he was famous by his title which refers to ‘the servant or slave of Al-Muttalib’. Some of the accounts report that his real name was Amir while Shaybah was his title, but according to Al-Suhaili, it is not authentic. ⁴

It is estimated that Abdul Muttalib was born in 495 C.E. ⁵ or 497 C.E. ⁶ He was a noble man of high esteem and respect, ⁷ and a combination of beauty, reverence and nobility. ^{8 9}

Hashim ibn Abd Manaf

Hashim ibn Abd Manaf was Abdul Muttalib's father, ¹⁰ while Salma bint 'Amr his mother. ¹¹ Hashim’s real name was also 'Amr, but he was called Hashim because he had prepared hashama (bread) for a special food called tharid (ثرید), for his people in Makkah, as they had nothing to eat due to a severe drought in Arabia. For this purpose, Hashim travelled to Palestine and brought flour to Makkah. Then, he gave orders to prepare bread from that flour, and slaughtered a camel and made tharid with that bread. ^{12 13}

Hashim was a vigorous man of the Quraysh, who established trade ties with Syria, Yemen and Ethiopia. He obtained guarantees of fortification, which allowed the people of Quraysh to travel far and wide from Makkah. He was the one to sign security pacts with neighboring authorities and organize the two annual trade caravans of winter and summer for Quraysh. ¹⁴ Hashim went to Byzantium and to the bordering tribe of Ghassan, to sign a treaty of friendship and virtuous hospitality. He obtained a permission for the tribe of Quraysh, from Byzantium to travel anywhere in the regions of Al-Sham (Syria) in peace and security. ¹⁵ He had very good relations with the Roman Emperor so, he visited Rome several times to meet Caesar, who respected and admired him. ¹⁶

Abdul Muttalib’s mother Salmah bint 'Amr, belonged to Bani 'Adi ibn Al-Najjar tribe of Madinah. She held a very high position in her tribe, so she put a condition on her marriage that after her marriage, she would have control of her own matters. ¹⁷

Hashim’s Marriage with Salmah

On one of his trips to Syria, Hashim stopped in Yathrib and stayed with ‘Amr ibn Zayd ibn Labid Al-Khazraji. Over there he saw Salmah, the daughter of ‘Amr of the Khazraj tribe. ¹⁸ She was a woman of nobility and was engaged in business with some of her business representatives. Hashim fell in love with her and inquired about her marital status. He learnt that she was divorced, so he asked her consent for marriage. She accepted his proposal as his position and prestige were well-known in Arabia. ¹⁹

After taking her consent, Hashim asked her father 'Amr for her hand in marriage as his second wife. 'Amr married her to him, but, he demanded that if she got pregnant, she would deliver the baby in her tribe. When she became pregnant, and the date of expected delivery came near, Hashim took Salmah back to her family, while he went on to Syria and died in Gaza. ²⁰ When this news reached Makkah, Hashim’s younger brother, Al-Muttalib, succeeded him in his posts of Al-Siqayah (providing water to the pilgrims of Holy Ka’bah) and Al-Rifadah (feeding them). ²¹

In Yathrib, Salmah gave birth to a child, whom she named Shaybah, ²² for the white hair in his head ^{23 24} and brought him up in her father’s house.

Abdul Muttalib’s Return to Makkah with his uncle, Al-Muttalib

As Hashim had died in Gaza before Shaybah’s birth, none of his family in Makkah were aware of his birth. Shaybah grew up among his maternal uncles, for seven to eight years. ²⁵ Once a man from the Banu Al-Harith ibn ‘Abd Manat, saw some boys competing at archery in Yathrib. Among them was Shaybah. When he would hit the target, he would proclaim that he was the son of Hashim, the leader of Bat-ha. The man questioned other boys regarding the identity of this boy, they informed him that he was Shaybah, son of Hashim. ²⁶ When that man of Banu Al-Harith went back to Makkah he found Al-Muttalib, the uncle of Shaybah (later known as Abdul Muttalib), sitting at Hijr. He narrated the whole event to Al-Muttalib ibn Abd Manaf and mentioned the description of boy. ²⁷ The man who informed Al-Muttalib about his nephew was Thabit ibn Al-Mundhir ibn Harim (father of Hassan ibn Thabit), a friend of Al-Muttalib, who advised him not to leave such a fine boy to live among strangers. Others suggested that Al-Muttalib should leave the child in Yathrib till he grew up, but he denied and said that he will not leave him there, as the boy would not be able to acquire the noble qualities of his people. ²⁸

Al-Muttalib set out and reached Yathrib to retrieve his nephew. ²⁹ He stayed at Bani Najjar’s quarters and made inquiries about his nephew. At last, he found him shooting arrows with his maternal uncles. When Al-Muttalib saw him, he noticed Hashim’s resemblance in him, and his eyes filled with tears which rolled down his cheeks. Al-Muttalib hugged him and put a Yemenite garment on it. ³⁰

Then, Al-Muttalib took him on his camel. The boy, however abstained from going with him to Makkah without his mother’s consent. ³¹ Hence, he spoke to the boy's mother who refused. Al-Muttalib argued and insisted that he would not leave without taking his nephew. He declared that his people were the people of honor, as they were the custodians of the house of God. They possessed great reputation, and held much of the rule and authority in their hands. Therefore, it was better for the boy that he should stay among his own people and tribe. He managed to convince her, arguing that only in Makkah, Shaybah would be able to restore his father’s authority, and live in the neighborhood of the Sanctified House. ³² Seeing Al-Muttalib’s determination, Salmah finally agreed, but requested to keep Shaybah with her for three more days. ³³

After three days, Al-Muttalib took Shaybah to Makkah. The people of Quraysh assumed that he was a servant of Al-Muttalib so they called him Abdul Muttalib (عبد المطّلب). When Al-Muttalib heard this, he clarified that the boy was not his servant but his nephew, son of Hashim, whom he had brought back from Yathrib. ³⁴ However, the title Abdul Muttalib became so popular that the boy’s real name, Shaybah, was overlooked. ³⁵

Dispute between Nawfal and Abdul Muttalib

Al-Muttalib decided to transfer Shaybah his due share of his father’s inheritance, but during the division of property, his uncle Nawfal ibn 'Abd Manaf disputed over a courtyard and illegitimately seized it from Abdul Muttalib. After Al-Muttalib’s death, Nawfal relieved Abdul Muttalib of his duties and responsibilities, like giving water to the pilgrims etc., so Abdul Muttalib asked the people of Quraysh for help, but they refrained from extending any kind of assistance to either of them, stating that they could not intervene between the matters of an uncle and a nephew. After seeing their attitude, he wrote to his maternal uncles in Banu Najjar tribe for help. His uncles decided to provide him with military support in order to retrieve his rights. One of his uncle, Abu Saad ibn ‘Udas Al-Najjari (his mother’s brother) marched to Makkah and encamped at Abtah. Abdul-Muttalib received the men and invited them to his house, but Abu Saad denied to go there before meeting Nawfal. They found Nawfal sitting in the shade of Al-Ka‘bah. Abu Saad drew his sword and threatened to kill Nawfal if he did not return the things which he had taken from Abdul Muttalib. Nawfal agreed to return the detained property and the elders of Quraysh were also made witness to his words. Abu Saad then went to Abdul-Muttalib’s house, stayed there for three nights, performed pilgrimage and then returned back to Yathrib. ³⁶

Providing Water and Support to the Pilgrims

After his uncle's intervention, Abdul Muttalib took over the charge of Al-Siqayah (providing water to the pilgrims) and Al-Rifadah (feeding them). With the help of his people, he carried on the practices of his ancestors in an efficient manner. He became so accomplished that he got more fame than his forefathers and his people adored and admired him. ³⁷

However, accomplishing the task of Al-Siqayah was not easy, as the well of Zamzam had been demolished by Mudhad ibn Amr ³⁸ of the Jurhum tribe, a few hundred years back ³⁹ and the water had to be transported to the city via camels and other animals from the minor wells located at the outskirts of Makkah. This water was then stored in small reservoirs near the Ka’bah and was was so salty that it was made drinkable by adding dates and raisins to it. ⁴⁰ Despite such hardships, Abdul Muttalib still fulfilled his responsibility in a great manner.

Digging of Zamzam

The original well of ZamZam was first revealed for Prophet Adam and then for Ishmael (Ismail) , ⁴¹ was buried for centuries and no one knew about its actual location. ⁴² As it was very difficult to fetch water from wells outside Makkah for such a large number of pilgrims, Abdul Muttalib was extremely concerned about this duty. Thus, he tried to find a solution to this problem and thought so much about it that he started having visions in which a spirit instructed him to re-dig the well of Zamzam. ⁴³

Abdul Muttalib had this vision when he was sleeping at the location of Hijr (enclosure of sacred sanctuary), in which he was told to dig Taibah (طیبة). He inquired what Taibah was, but he did not get any reply. The next day, when he slept at the same place again, he saw the same vision and he was ordered to dig Barra (برة). He inquired what it was, but he did not get any answer and the dream finished. The next day, he had another vision, this time he was ordered to dig Al-Madhnunah (المضنونة), but still, he was not given a clear answer about it's meaning. The next day, he had the same vision again, but this time, he was ordered to dig Zamzam. Abdul Muttalib told the people of Quraysh about this dream, who asked him whether he knew anything about the location of Zamzam. Abdul Muttalib told them that he had no idea about the site of Zamzam. So, they suggested him to sleep at that location again. They believed that if this vision was an inspiration from God, it would certainly come again. When he slept at that location, he had another vision in which he was told that if he digs the well of Zamzam, he would not regret it. It was a legacy of his oldest father, which will never dry up and it will provide water for the pilgrims. He was also told that the well lay between the dung and the blood, near the nest of the crow which had white legs, near the settlement of the ants, all which would be shown to him the next day. ^{44 45}

The next day, Abdul Muttalib went to Masjid Al-Haram, sat there and waited for the signs mentioned in the dream. As he looked around, he saw that a cow whose neck was partially cut, escaped from the area where it was being slaughtered. He looked at it until it ran around the place and bled to its death between the idols of Isaf and Naila. When Abdul Muttalib went over there, he found a crow, pecking in its dung, which was near an ant colony. ⁴⁶

At this point, he had comprehended that all had been revealed by

. Hence, Abdul Muttalib took up his pick-axe and his son Al-Harith (his only son at that time), and started digging at the indicated site. ⁴⁷ When the people of Quraysh saw him digging between the two idols (Isaf and Naila), they refused to let him work there and said that they will not allow him to dig at their holy alter, a place where they offered their sacrifices. ⁴⁸ Since he knew that the people would oppose him initially, ⁴⁹ Abdul Muttalib ordered his son Al-Harith to protect him while he continued to dig and complete what he had been directed to do. When the people saw that they were unable to stop him by any means, they left him alone. ⁵⁰

Abdul Muttalib continued digging for three days ⁵¹ and finally, the opening of the well appeared. The people of Quraysh realized that Abdul Muttalib had been rightly inspired. As the digging went on, he found two gold gazelles, which the people of Jurhum tribe had buried there when they were leaving Makkah, some swords and armor. ⁵² When the people of Quraysh learnt that he had accomplished his purpose, they approached him and demanded him to make them partners in everything which he had found from the site. ⁵³

Abdul Muttalib rejected their claim and stated that, the task was specifically assigned to him. They asked again to treat them fairly and said that they would not leave him alone till they were given a share. Abdul Muttalib asked them to appoint someone of their choice to arbitrate the matter. They suggested a woman of the Banu Saad ibn Huzaym tribe, who lived in the upper lands of Syria. Abdul Muttalib agreed to their suggestion. ⁵⁴

Abdul Muttalib left for Syria, with a company of twenty men from Banu Abd Manaf and twenty men from other tribes of Quraysh. While they were travelling in the desert, their water resources ended. Since they could not find water, they became extremely thirsty and thought that they were destined to die in the desert. Abdul Muttalib suggested that each man should dig a grave for himself with the remaining strength, so that when anyone dies others can put him in the grave and cover him up. When they had prepared their graves, Abdul Muttalib urged them to search for water as it was a weakness to die without searching for water. When Abdul Muttalib's camel stood up, a spring of sweet water gushed up from below its hoof. ⁵⁵ All of them made exclamations of God's greatness. Abdul Muttalib invited all of them to come over to the spring and drink from it, declaring it as a gift from

. All of them drank and filled their storages. Then, they declared that the judgement had been made by God in Abdul Muttalib’s favour so they would never dispute with him over the Zamzam well. ⁵⁶

When they came back, the people of Quraysh demanded their share from the gazelles, arrows and armor. Ultimately, they decided to use faal (lots via arrows) to solve the matter. Two yellow arrows were set for the Ka’bah, two black ones for Abdul Muttalib, and two white ones for the people of Quraysh. The sooth sayer casted the arrows at the site of the idol Hubal, the two arrows for Quraysh remained behind, while the two yellow ones went for the gazelles, awarding them to the Ka’bah, the two black ones came out for the swords and armor, giving them to Abdul Muttalib. Abdul Muttalib used the swords in a door for the Ka’bah and coated the door with the gold of the gazelles. This was the first golden ornament used in the Ka'ba. Then Abdul Muttalib took charge of the supply of Zamzam and served its water to the pilgrims. ⁵⁷ Since the Zamzam water was close by, Abdul Muttalib performed his Siqayah duties with ease. ⁵⁸ Zamzam overshadowed the importance of all the other wells and the people of Abd Al-Manaf tribe expressed their supremacy over the other tribes. ^{59 60}

Abdul Muttalib challenged by Harb ibn Umayyah

Once, Harb ibn Umayyah challenged that he was nobler than Abdul Muttalib and requested Negus of Abyssinia to decide this matter between them, but Negus denied. So, Nufayl ibn Abd Al-'Uzza ibn Riyah was asked to judge between them. Nufayl asked Harb if he could prove that he was more handsome, generous and taller than Abdul Muttalib. He also told him to prove that he was a better speaker than Abdul Muttalib and had a better lineage than him. When Harb could not prove his claims, then Nufayl declared that Abdul Muttalib was nobler than his challenger. ⁶¹

Abraha’s Attack on Makkah (570 C.E.)

Abu Yaksum Abraha Al-Ashram was an army general who had killed Iryat, the Ethiopian governor in Yemen, seized power and declared himself as the new governor. Negus, the Ethiopian ruler got angry on his actions and wanted to punish him, but due to some reasons, he could not. In this way Abraha Al-Ashram established himself as the governor of Yemen. ⁶² When Abraha Al-Ashram observed that the people were making preparations for the pilgrimage to Ka’bah, he inquired where the people were going. He was informed that they were going to visit the house of

at Makkah and perform a pilgrimage there. He asked about the construction material of the building and was told that it was made of stones. Then he asked about the covering sheets of Ka’bah. He was informed that it is covered with the striped sheets which were sent from Yemen. Thereupon, he decided to erect a Christian church in Yemen to divert the people towards Christianity. Consequently, he constructed a building complex of white, red, yellow and black marble, which was decorated with gold, silver and precious jewels. He designed its doors with golden plates and the gold nails were topped with jewels. Musk was applied to the walls of the church and Al-Mandali fragrant wood was burnt to keep the atmosphere fragrant. ⁶³

Abraha wrote to the Negus and claimed that he had built a church which was unique and that he would not rest until he had diverted the Arab pilgrimage to this church. ⁶⁴ Hence, he called the people of Arabia to perform pilgrimage at that church. ⁶⁵ Despite all his efforts, most of the tribes refused his proposal, ⁶⁶ while some accepted it. Furthermore, people visited this church for worship and also stayed there as ascetics. ⁶⁷

One of the men from Al-Nasa’ah (people who were famous for changing the status and place of the months in the calendar for their own benefit), who belonged to the tribe of Bani Malkan ibn Kinanah, ⁶⁸ became annoyed at Abraha's actions and travelled to Yemen, with the intention to defile the church. ⁶⁹ He looked for an opportunity, for which he waited a long time. ⁷⁰ Ultimately, one night he entered the church unnoticed, applied filth to its Qibla, defecated in the church and then returned home. ⁷¹

When Abraha was informed of this he made inquiries and learned that it was one of the people of that House (Ka’bah) in Makkah to which the Arabs made pilgrimage. That individual had defiled the cathedral so that he could show the world that this church was unworthy of being a place of pilgrimage. ⁷²

On discovering this, Abraha was enraged, to the extent that he swore to march to the House (Ka’bah) and demolish it. Hence, he ordered the Abyssinians to prepare to attack Makkah. ⁷³ Then he wrote to Negus and informed him about the incident. He requested him to send his elephant, named Mahmud, which was the largest elephant people had seen. Negus agreed and sent the elephant to Abraha. When Mahmud arrived in Yemen, Abraha started his march towards Makkah with his army along with the Himyarite King and Nufayl ibn Habib Al-Khath`ami. ⁷⁴

When the Arabs heard about Abraha’s expedition, they became extremely worried, but since he intended to destroy the Ka’bah, they were ready to fight against him. ⁷⁵ A Yemeni notable called Dhu Nafr instigated his people and other Arabs to fight against Abraha and stop him from attacking the Sacred House. However, they failed in their attempt and Dhu Nafr was taken captive. Abraha continued and was confronted by Nufayl bin Habib Al-Khath'ami, who was supported by the tribes of Shahran and Nahis along with other Arab Tribes which resided in the area of Khath'am. They fought against Abraha, but were defeated and Nufayl was taken as a prisoner. When Abraha was about to execute him, Nufayl begged for his life and offered to be his guide in the Arab territory, guaranteeing that the tribes under his authority would not resist against him. Abraha released him on this condition and continued his journey. ⁷⁶

When Abraha reached Taif, the people of the city thought that Abraha would attack them so they sent a delegation to Abraha, ⁷⁷ led by Masud ibn Mu’tab. ⁷⁸ He agreed to support Abraha and stated that they were the worshippers of Al-Lat idol, and Taif was not the place for which he was looking for, as the Arabs did not perform pilgrimage at this place, but at a place located in Makkah. Abraha asked for proof, so they sent a person with him from the tribe of Hudhail, named Nufayl. ⁷⁹ They also sent Abu Righal as a guide, who accompanied him till a place called Mughammas, ⁸⁰ which was three farsakh ⁸¹ (around six miles) away from Makkah. Abraha sent his vanguard (Muqadma Al-Jaish), ⁸² which was led by an Abyssinian called Al-Aswad ibn Maqsud. He reached Makkah, robbed the people of Quraysh and other tribes, and brought the loot back to Abraha, including two hundred camels of Abdul Muttalib, who was the leader of the Quraysh at that time. Quraysh, Kinanah, Hudhail and people from other tribes who were in the sacred boundaries desired to fight Abraha, but when they comprehended that they would not be able to defeat him, they abandoned the idea. ^{83 84}

Therefore, the people of Makkah left the city and fled to the mountains. No one was left in Makkah except Abdul Muttalib ibn Hashim, who stayed there to fulfil his Siqayah duties and Shaybah ibn Uthman ibn Abd Al-Dar, who was stationed at the front of the Ka’bah. ⁸⁵

Abraha sent Hunatah Al-Himyari to Makkah as his

, who was tasked to inform the leader of city that the king had not come to fight the people of Makkah, but to demolish the House (Ka'bah), and as long as the people did not try to stop the King from completing his job, he would not shed any blood. The King also asked him to bring the leader of the city with him. When Hunatah entered Makkah, he asked for the leader of Quraysh and he was told that Abdul Muttalib ibn Hashim was the leader of Quraysh. So, he went to him and delivered Abraha’s message. Abdul-Muttalib replied:

  واللّٰه ما نريد حربه، وما لنا بذلك من طاقة، هذا بيت اللّٰه الحرام، وبيت خليله إبراهيم عليه السلام فإن يمنعه منه فهو بيته وحرمه، وإن يخل بينه وبينه، فو اللّٰه ما عندنا دفع عنه. ⁸⁶

  By Allah! We do not wish to fight him and we do not have the ability to do so. This is Allah’s Sacred House and the House of His friend, Abraham (Ibrahim) . So, if He prevents him, then it is His Sacred Place and His House, and if He lets him approach it, by Allah, we have no means to defend it from him. ⁸⁷

Hunatah asked Abdul Muttalib to come with him to the king, as he had ordered him to bring the leader of Quraysh to him. ⁸⁸ Abdul Muttalib accompanied him with one of his sons, reached the army camp and searched for Dhu Nafar, who was one of his friends. But, since he was imprisoned, Dhu Nafar asked his friend Unays, the keeper of the elephant, to help Abdul Muttalib and intercede for him in front of the King. ⁸⁹ Unays spoke to Abraha and told him that Abdul Muttalib was the chief of Quraysh and master of the Makkan caravan, who fed the people on the plain and the wild beasts on the mountain heights. ⁹⁰ He then asked Abraha to allow Abdul Muttalib to come before him, listen to his request, and treat him kindly. ⁹¹

Abraha called Abdul Muttalib in his court. In appearance, Abdul Muttalib was an impressive, handsome and well-built man, so Abraha treated him with respect and kindness and allowed Abdul Muttalib to sit with him. Abraha ordered his interpreter to inquire what Abdul Muttalib wanted from him. Abdul Muttalib replied that he wanted Abraha to return those two hundred camels which had been taken by his army. Abraha replied through the interpreter and said that: You pleased me much when I saw you, but I became very unhappy with you when I listened to what you said. Do you wish to talk to me just about two hundred camels of yours which I have taken, and say nothing about your religion and the religion of your forefathers which I have come to eliminate? Abdul Muttalib then replied that he was merely the owner of the camels, so he was responsible for them, and as far as the Ka’bah was concerned, it also had an owner who would ensure its safety. Abraha ordered his army to return Abdul Muttalib’s camels to him. ⁹²

Ya'mar bin Nufathah bin 'Adi, the chief of the Banu Kinanah Tribe, and Khuwaylid bin Wathilah Al-Hudhayi, chief of Banu Hudhayl Tribe, offered Abraha one third of the wealth of Tihamah so that he may abandon his plan of attacking Ka’bah, but Abraha refused. ^{93 94} So, Abdul Muttalib went back to the people of Quraysh and ordered them to leave Makkah and seek refuge on the mountain tops, fearing violence from the Abyssinian army. Then, Abdul Muttalib, along with a group of people from Quraysh took hold of the door-ring fixed at the entrance of the Ka'bah and supplicated to

, imploring His help against Abraha and his troops. ⁹⁵ Abdul Muttalib prayed: O Lord! I don't hope for anyone but You against them! O Lord, protect Your sanctuary from them. Indeed, the enemy of the House is Your enemy! Repel them lest they destroy Your settlements. ⁹⁶

That night turned out to be extremely bad for Abraha and his army. They felt the signs of torment and started to panic. People of Banu Ash’ar and Banu Khatha’m broke their arrows and swords, and repented for providing assistance to launch an attack on the Ka’bah. ⁹⁷

The next morning, Abraha intended to attack Makkah. He got the army in to position, and tried to move in the direction of Makkah, but his elephant denied to move. They tried their best but Mahmud (the elephant) did not move an inch. Nufayl ibn Habib Al-Khath'ami, who stood by its flank took hold of the elephant’s ear and signaled it to move, but it didn’t. When all of their plans to move the elephant in the direction of Makkah failed, they then tried to move the elephant in the direction of Yemen and the elephant obliged. They turned its direction towards Makkah again, but the elephant sat on the ground. No matter what torture technique they tried, they failed to move the elephant in the direction of Makkah. ⁹⁸

Meanwhile,

sent flocks of birds from the direction of the sea. These birds were similar to swallows and starlings. ⁹⁹ Each bird was carrying three tiny stones, the size of chick peas and lentils; one stone in its beak and two in its claws. When these stones fell on the army, those who were hit, perished. ¹⁰⁰ The rest tried to retreat, but they became injured and most died on the way ¹⁰¹ Abraha was also badly injured in this assault. His army carried him back to Yemen, but nothing alleviated his suffering. His fingers fell off one by one and that place became infected and started discharging pus and blood. These injuries increased and ultimately, Abraha died. ¹⁰² This event is mentioned in the as ‘Surah Al-Fil’ and Abraha’s defeat is attributed to God Almighty. ¹⁰³ Due to this event, this year is known as Aam Al-Fil (عام الفیل) or year of the elephant.

Abdul Muttalib was around seventy years old when Abraha tried to attack Makkah. ¹⁰⁴ Prophet Muhammad is reported to have been born in the year of the elephant ¹⁰⁵ fifty or fifty-five ¹⁰⁶ days after the event. The year of the elephant is believed to be synonymous with 570 A.D. ¹⁰⁷

Bringing up of Prophet Muhammad

When Prophet Muhammad was born, Aaminah sent the glad tiding to Abdul Muttalib who was in the Holy Ka’bah at that time. He was over joyed with the news and rushed to see the baby. He took Muhammad to the Ka’bah, prayed to

and expressed his gratitude for this gift. ¹⁰⁸ It is said that Abdul Muttalib circumcised him on his seventh day as was the custom of the Arabs, ¹⁰⁹ however, the authentic narration which is endorsed by the majority of the scholars is that Prophet Muhammad was born circumcised. ¹¹⁰ Abdul Muttalib performed Prophet Muhammad’s Aqeeqah (عقیقہ) and named him Muhammad, ¹¹¹ a name which was uncommon among the Arabs at that time. ¹¹²

Muhammad did not spend much time with Abdul Muttalib in his infancy as he was sent with Halimah to Banu Saad tribe for upbringing. ¹¹³ When Halimah brought him back to Makkah, at the age of six, she lost him among the crowd at Makkah. Abdul Muttalib was very worried for his grandson and he prayed to

Almighty for it. He sought for the child and found him in the upper part of Makkah. In gratitude, Abdul Muttalib made him sit on his shoulder, circumambulated around the Ka’bah and prayed to Allah. ¹¹⁴ On this occasion, Abdul Muttalib also slaughtered twenty camels, sheeps and cows, and fed the people of Makkah, as a sign of gratitude to Allah. ¹¹⁵

At the age of six, when Prophet Muhammad was returned by Halimah , ¹¹⁶ Aaminah decided to visit Yathrib (Madinah) in order to visit his father's (Abdullah ) and familiarize Muhammad with his maternal relatives, the people of Banu Adi ibn Al-Najjar. ¹¹⁷ According to some biographers Abdul Muttalib was also present in this journey. ¹¹⁸ On their way back to Makkah, Aaminah got ill ¹¹⁹ died at a place called Abwa. ¹²⁰

After Aaminah’s death, Abdul Muttalib took Muhammad’s guardianship and looked after him. ¹²¹ Abdul Muttalib took complete charge of Muhammad , and it soon became evident that his distinctive love for his son Abdullah had been transferred to his grandson, Muhammad . Abdul Muttalib had a special couch placed in the shadow of the Ka’bah and no one could sit on it but his grandson Muhammad . ¹²²

Abdul Muttalib would keep Muhammad with him wherever he went. He would even take Muhammad with him to attend the assembly of the Quraysh at the town hall, where the elders of the tribe would meet to discuss important matters. Even though Abdul Muttalib was eighty years old and Muhammad was seven years old, he would still ask Muhammad and take his opinion regarding the issues at hand. When he was questioned by his fellow dignitaries about this, he would always state that a great future was in stock for his grandson. ¹²³

At home, Abdul Muttalib had guided Umm-e-Ayman to take good care of Muhammad and never leave him alone, as the people of book had assessed that he would be a future Prophet, and there was a possibility that they could harm him. ¹²⁴ Even on his deathbed, Abdul Muttalib ordered Abu Talib (Prophet Muhammad’s uncle and Abdul Muttalib’s son) to take great care of Muhammad . ¹²⁵ Subsequently, Abu Talib also began to take special care of Muhammad . ¹²⁶

When Abdul Muttalib's death approached, he left a will for Abu Talib directing him to take Prophet Muhammad into his custody. When his last moments came near, he asked his daughters to recite some poetry to him. Every one of them expressed their grief in poetry, which has been recorded by biographers and historians. Abdul Muttalib was unable to speak but he nodded with his head and affirmed the poetry. ¹²⁷

Hudhaifa ibn Ghanif wept for Abdul Muttalib and composed a poem which described Abdul Muttalib’s personality and attributes in a comprehensive way. The poetry is mentioned as: ‘My both eyes shed tears on my chest and cry for the one, who has been of good nature, character and temperament, the one who has been generous in presenting gifts. He is the one who possessed greatness, dignity, fortune and was of excellent features and a devotee of the needy. Weep for Shaibah Al-Hamd, the one who possessed noble qualities, magnitude, respect and pride. Forebearing, and a man with strength in trouble, possessing countless merits and noble deeds. His eminence over his people is as evident as the light of the moon. ¹²⁸

Abdul Muttalib died in the eighth year of the elephant ¹²⁹ and is buried at Al-Hajun. ¹³⁰ At the time of his demise, he was eighty-two years old. The

of Allah , was asked: Do you remember the incident of the death of Abdul Muttalib? He said: Yes! I was then eight years old. Umm Ayman said: I saw the Apostle of Allah (when he was a child) , weeping behind the bed of Abdul Muttalib. ¹³¹

The demise of Abdul Muttalib was a great shock for the whole tribe of Banu Hashim and none of his children were able to reclaim the respect, status, influence, wisdom, munificence and power among all Arabs as Abdul Muttalib had, until Prophet Muhammad grew up. Consequently, after the death of Abdul Muttalib, the clan of Banu Umayyah prepared to take over the leadership of Makkah from Banu Hashim. ¹³² In his life, Abdul Muttalib never worshipped Hubal or any other idol and always worshipped

alone ^{133 134} and followed the religion of Abraham .

Wives and Children

Abdul Muttalib had 10 sons and 6 daughters ¹³⁵ from six wives. His wives included:

1. Fatima bint 'Amr ibn 'A'idh bint Imran ibn Makhzum from Banu Makhzum tribe. She was the mother of Abdullah , Abu Talib, Zubair, Barra, 'Atika, Umm Hakim Al-Bayda', Umayma and Arwa.
2. Nukayla ¹³⁶ or Nutayla ¹³⁷ bint Janab ibn Kulayb ibn Malik ibn 'Amr, from Banu Rabiyah tribe. She was the mother of Abbas, Qutham and Dirar.
3. Hala bint Wuhayb ibn 'Abdu Manat ibn Zuhra ibn Kilab. She was the mother of Hamza, Al-Muqawwim, Hajl (who was nicknamed Al-Ghaydaq because of his great liberality and his wealth) and Safiya.
4. Samra bint Jundub ibn Hujayr ibn Ri'ab. She was the mother of Al-Harith. ¹³⁸
5. Lubna bint Hajir ibn Abdu Manaf. She was the mother of Abu Lahab. ¹³⁹
6. Mumanna'a bint Amr bin Malik from Banu Khuza’a. She was the mother of Ghaidaaq whose name was Musa’ab. ¹⁴⁰

Abdul Muttalib married Hala bint Wuhayb, who was a cousin of Prophet Muhammad’s mother, after an incident in Yemen, where he met a Jewish scholar who foretold him that Abdul Muttalib had authority and ruler ship is in his one hand while propehthood in the other, but both these qualities were to be united in Banu Zahra tribe. The priest suggested him to marry in Banu Zuhra tribe. Abdul Muttalib kept this conversation and prophecy in mind and later on, married a woman in the tribe of Banu Zuhra. ¹⁴¹

Some biographers and historians have mentioned 12 sons and 7 daughters, but details of only 10 sons are preserved. His sons included; Al-Harith Al-Abbas, Hamza, Abdullah , Abu Talib (whose name was Abdu Manaf), Al-Zubayr, Hajl, Al-Muqawwim, Dirar, Abu Lahab (whose name was Abd Al-‘Uzza), ¹⁴² Qutham, Musa’b or Ghaidaq and Abd Al-Ka’bah. ¹⁴³ His daughters included; Safiya, Umm Hakim Al-Bayda, 'Atika, Umayma, Arwa and Barra. ¹⁴⁴

 

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• ¹ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 14.
• ² A name which is honorably given to an Arab mother or Father.
• ³ Muhammad ibn Yusuf Al-Salihi Al-Shami (1993), Subul Al-Huda wal-Rashad fe Seerat Khair Al-Abad, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 262.
• ⁴ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 25.
• ⁵ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 37.
• ⁶ Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 64.
• ⁷ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 48.
• ⁸ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 82.
• ⁹ Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 65.
• ¹⁰ Abu Abdullah Mus'ab ibn Abdullah Al-Zubairi (N.D.), Nasab Quraysh, Dar Al-Ma'arif, Cairo, Egypt, Pg. 15.
• ¹¹ Ahmed ibn Yahya ibn Jabir ibn Dawood Al-Baladhuri (1996), Jumal Min Ansab Al-Ashraf, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 64.
• ¹² Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 251-252.
• ¹³ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 75-76.
• ¹⁴ Ibid.
• ¹⁵ Ahmed ibn Yahya ibn Jabir ibn Dawood Al-Baladhuri (1996), Jumal Min Ansab Al-Ashraf, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 59.
• ¹⁶ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 75.
• ¹⁷ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 137.
• ¹⁸ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 246-247.
• ¹⁹ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 36.
• ²⁰ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 247.
• ²¹ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 137.
• ²² Ibid.
• ²³ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fi Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 25.
• ²⁴ Ahmed ibn Yahya ibn Jabir ibn Dawood Al-Baladhuri (1996), Jumal Min Ansab Al-Ashraf, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 64.
• ²⁵ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 247.
• ²⁶ Ibid.
• ²⁷ Ali ibn Ibrahim ibn Ahmed Al-Halabi (2013), Al-Seerah Al-Halabiyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 12.
• ²⁸ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 82.
• ²⁹ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 137.
• ³⁰ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 82.
• ³¹ Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 65.
• ³² Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 137-138.
• ³³ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 82.
• ³⁴ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 138.
• ³⁵ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 37.
• ³⁶ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 248-249.
• ³⁷ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 142.
• ³⁸ Ali ibn Ibrahim ibn Ahmed Al-Halabi (2013), Al-Seerah Al-Halabiyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 49.
• ³⁹ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 111.
• ⁴⁰ Ali ibn Ibrahim ibn Ahmed Al-Halabi (2013), Al-Seerah Al-Halabiyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 23.
• ⁴¹ Muhammad ibn Yusuf Al-Salihi Al-Shami (1993), Subul Al-Huda wal-Rashad fe Seerat Khair Al-Abad, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 187.
• ⁴² Ibid.
• ⁴³ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 38.
• ⁴⁴ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 142-143.
• ⁴⁵ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 66.
• ⁴⁶ Muhammad ibn Yusuf Al-Salihi Al-Shami (1993), Subul Al-Huda wal-Rashad fe Seerat Khair Al-Abad, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 188.
• ⁴⁷ Ahmed ibn Yahya ibn Jabir ibn Dawood Al-Baladhuri (1996), Jumal Min Ansab Al-Ashraf, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 78.
• ⁴⁸ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 24.
• ⁴⁹ Abdullah ibn Muhammad ibn Ishaq Al-Fakihi (2009), Akhbar Makkah, Maktabah Al-Asadi, Makkah, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 2, Pg. 12.
• ⁵⁰ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 24.
• ⁵¹ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 83.
• ⁵² Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 146.
• ⁵³ Ibid.
• ⁵⁴ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 24.
• ⁵⁵ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 84.
• ⁵⁶ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 25.
• ⁵⁷ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 147.
• ⁵⁸ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 38.
• ⁵⁹ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 150.
• ⁶⁰ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 80.
• ⁶¹ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 253-254.
• ⁶² Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 41-42.
• ⁶³ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 136-137.
• ⁶⁴ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 43.
• ⁶⁵ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 60.
• ⁶⁶ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 131.
• ⁶⁷ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 91.
• ⁶⁸ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 43.
• ⁶⁹ Ibid.
• ⁷⁰ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 91.
• ⁷¹ Ibid.
• ⁷² Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 61.
• ⁷³ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 131.
• ⁷⁴ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 91.
• ⁷⁵ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 132.
• ⁷⁶ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 46.
• ⁷⁷ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 62.
• ⁷⁸ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 132.
• ⁷⁹ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 61-62.
• ⁸⁰ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 47-48.
• ⁸¹ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 147.
• ⁸² Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 62.
• ⁸³ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 48.
• ⁸⁴ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 132-133.
• ⁸⁵ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 62.
• ⁸⁶ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 48-49.
• ⁸⁷ Abul Fida Ismael ibn Kathir Al-Damishqi (N.D.), Al-Bidayah wa Al-Nihayah (Translated by Darussalam Research Center), Darussalam, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Vol. 4, Pg. 164-165.
• ⁸⁸ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 49.
• ⁸⁹ Ibid.
• ⁹⁰ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 62.
• ⁹¹ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 49.
• ⁹² Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 62-63.
• ⁹³ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 50.
• ⁹⁴ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 134.
• ⁹⁵ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 50.
• ⁹⁶ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 134.
• ⁹⁷ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 63.
• ⁹⁸ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 52.
• ⁹⁹ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 63.
• ¹⁰⁰ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 135-136.
• ¹⁰¹ Ibid, Pg. 136.
• ¹⁰² Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 64.
• ¹⁰³ Holy Quran, Al-Fil (The Elephant), 105: 1-5
• ¹⁰⁴ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 46.
• ¹⁰⁵ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, 158.
• ¹⁰⁶ Ali ibn Ibrahim ibn Ahmed Al-Halabi (2013), Al-Seerah Al-Halabiyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 86.
• ¹⁰⁷ Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translation: Ismail Razi Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 47.
• ¹⁰⁸ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, 159-160.
• ¹⁰⁹ Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Abu Bakr ibn Qayyam Al-Jawzi (1994), Zaad Al-Ma’ad, Muassasah Al-Risala, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 80.
• ¹¹⁰ Muhammad ibn Abdullah Al-Hakim Al-Nishapuri (2006), Al-Mustadrak Ala Al-Saheehain, Hadith: 4177, Maktaba Al-Asariyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 4, Pg. 1566.
• ¹¹¹ Abu Bakr ibn Al-Husain Al-Bayhaqui (1405 A.H.), Dalail Al-Nabuwah wa Ma’rifat Ahwal Sahib Al-Shariyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 113.
• ¹¹² Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (2000), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 95.
• ¹¹³ Muhammad ibn Jareer Al-Tabari (1387 A.H.), Tareekh Al-Tabari, Dar Al-Turath, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 157.
• ¹¹⁴ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, 167.
• ¹¹⁵ Ahmed ibn Hussian Al-Baihaqui (1405 A.H), Dalail Al-Nubuwah wa Ma’rfat Ahwal Sahib Al-Shariyat, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiayah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 145.
• ¹¹⁶ Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 74.
• ¹¹⁷ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 116.
• ¹¹⁸ Safi Al-Rahman Al-Mubarakpuri (2010), Al-Raheeq Al-Makhtum, Dar ibn Hazam, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 74.
• ¹¹⁹ Ali ibn Ibrahim ibn Ahmed Al-Halabi (1427 A.H), Al-Seerah Al-Halabiyah, Dar Al-Kutub Al-Ilmiyah, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 154.
• ¹²⁰ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 65.
• ¹²¹ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 118.
• ¹²² Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 66.
• ¹²³ Martin Lings (1985), Muhammad ﷺ: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, Sohail Academy, Lahore, Pakistan, Pg. 27-28.
• ¹²⁴ Abul Fida Ismael ibn Kathir Al-Damishqi (2014), Al-Bidayah wa Al-Nihayah (Translated by Rafiq Abdur Rehman), Dar-ul-Isha’at, Karachi, Pakistan, Vol. 1, Pg. 484.
• ¹²⁵ Ibid.
• ¹²⁶ Martin Lings (1985), Muhammad ﷺ: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, Sohail Academy, Lahore, Pakistan, Pg. 28.
• ¹²⁷ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 169-174.
• ¹²⁸ Ibid., Pg. 174-175.
• ¹²⁹ Muhammad ibn Ishaq ibn Yasar Al-Madani (1978), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Ishaq, Dar Al-Fikr, Beirut, Lebanon, Pg. 66.
• ¹³⁰ Abul Fida Ismael ibn Kathir Al-Damishqi (2014), Al-Bidayah wa Al-Nihayah (Translated by Rafiq Abdur Rehman), Dar-ul-Isha’at, Karachi, Pakistan, Vol. 1, Pg. 484.
• ¹³¹ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 119.
• ¹³² Husein Haykal (1976), The Life of Muhammad ﷺ (Translated by Ismail Raji Al-Faruqi), Islamic Book Trust, Petaling Jaya, Malaysia, Pg. 53-54.
• ¹³³ Jalal Al-Din Al-Suyuti (1993), Al-Subul Al-Jaliyyah fe-Aba Al-Uliyyah, Dar Al-Amin, Cairo, Egypt, Pg. 17.
• ¹³⁴ Martin Lings (1985), Muhammad ﷺ: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources, Sohail Academy, Lahore, Pakistan, Pg. 15.
• ¹³⁵ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 108.
• ¹³⁶ Ibid, Pg. 109-110.
• ¹³⁷ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 93.
• ¹³⁸ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 109-110.
• ¹³⁹ Ibid.
• ¹⁴⁰ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 93.
• ¹⁴¹ Abd Al-Rahman ibn Abdullah Al-Suhaili (1421 A.H.), Al-Raudh Al-Unf fe-Sharha Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah, Dar Al-Ihya Al-Turath Al-Arabi, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 2, Pg. 89.
• ¹⁴² Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 108.
• ¹⁴³ Muhammad ibn Saad Al-Basri (1968), Tabaqat Al-Kubra, Dar Sadir, Beirut, Lebanon, Vol. 1, Pg. 93.
• ¹⁴⁴ Abd Al-Malik ibn Hisham (1955), Al-Seerat Al-Nabawiyah le-ibn Hisham, Shirkah Maktabah wa Matba’ Mustafa Al-Babi, Cairo, Egypt, Vol. 1, Pg. 108.